The last one hundred years have seen a large number of path-breaking labour struggles in the country, some of which forced the government to reform labour laws. Those were the times when the workers around the country rose in unison to fight for a cause. expressing solidarity with the workers who were directly in the forefront of the struggle. After taking opinions of leading labour leaders and trade unions, we have encapsulated and recounted ten major labour struggles of the century which were voted as the most significant ones.
BOMBAY TEXTILE WORKERS STRIKE(1928)
Bombay textile workers strike in 1928 is widely regarded as one of the major strike in history of working class movement in India. More than a lakh textile workers went on strike in Bombay in May 1928 led by Girni Kamgar Union(GKU) demanding the annulation of the wage reduction, substantial rise in wages for low-paid workers, standardisation of wage scales and the phased and negotiated introduction of the double and three looms system.
The strike engulfed the entire mill area and within a couple of days more than a hundred thousand workers joined the strike. The strike went on for more than five months and caused a stupendous loss of man days. The two sides agreed not to extend the rationalization to new mills, to undo the wage cuts, and to submit the charter of demands to a commission of enquiry.
The most distinctive feature of the strike was the sense of unity and self-control generated among the workers. They had compelled the milliners to talk to their accredited representatives and to discuss with them the terms and conditions of service. The strike was called off on 4 October 1928 after the negotiations. The workers returned to work at the end of the strike with a feeling of exhilaration at their own organised strength.
TISCO WORKERS STRIKE(1928)
The Tata Iron and Steel Company(TISCO) workers resorted to a series of strikes in the year 1927-28 to protest against inadequate wages, compulsory overtime, exposure to health hazards, high rates of accidents and maltreatment by the management.
From April 1927 workers began organising against the proposed reduction in the number of employees, the change from monthly to daily rates, arbitrary promotions and irregular increments. Maneck homi emerged as the leader of the struggle. By late April some 2000 workers were on strike over the wage differentials and the abusive conduct of European staff.
The one-day strike on 25 May 1928 against the lockout of the mill on 1 may electrified the atmosphere as workers responded positively. The protesters demanded a minimum wage of Rs.30 per month, a general increase, and an end to reductions.
A 48 hour strike from 1 June 1928 to protest against the TISCO's announcement of 50 per cent reduction in the electrical department affecting 600 workers succeeded well with over 15,000 workers joining it.
Subhas Bose's address to the workers encouraged them. Three processions of the workers on 15 June attracted some 15,000 workers. On 26 June 1928, TISCO promised to retain the bonus offer, consider increments, not impose the break-in-service rule and re-engage most of the strikers on probation.
Attempts at reopening of the plant were proved futile ad the workers were not ready for accepting anything short of their demands. Indian foremen and about 400 clerks struck work on 21 August 1928. The strike became generalised and different sections of the workforce joined the striking workers.
On 26 August 1928 over 10,000 workers held a demonstration. A sharp division between the supporters of Boos and Homi was fully utilised by the management to sign a deal with the workers.
The settlement was arrived on 12 September 1928 between Bose and the management. According to the agreement, there would be no victimization, the boiler and sheet mill workers would be given continuity of service, discharged cases would be reviewed, alteration of service rules would not be put in force and seven lakh rupees would be released fro increments.
TELAGANA ARMED STRUGGLE(1946-51)
The Telegana people's armed struggle in the Nizam-governed feudal state of Hyderabad during 1946-51 was the most heroic armed resistance put up by the peasant masses (small farmers and agricultural workmen) in which as many as 4000 peasants and communists were killed while defending the lands from the landlords backed by the armed forces of the central government.
The peasants revolted against the oppressive
rule of Nizam. They took over one million acres of lands from the landlords
and distributed them among the peasants under the guidance of the People's
Committees. For a period of 12 to 18 months, the entire administration
in these areas was conducted by the village peasant committees. All evictions
were stopped and the forced labour system was abolished. The daily wages
of agricultural labourers were increased and a minimum wage was enforced.
The oppressive officialdom was to abandon the entire forest belt, and the
tribal people and the people living in the adjoining areas were able to
enjoy the fruits of their labour.
The peasantry in about 3000 villages covering roughly a population
of three million in an area of 16,000 square miles had succeeded in setting
up gram raj through village panchayats. In these villages, the landlords
who were the pillars of the Nizam's autocracy were driven away from their
fortress like houses and their lands were seized by the peasantry.
The Indian army was called on 13 September 1948 to suppress the movement. The entire region was subjected to brutal police and military terror for five years, initially by the Nizam and his Razakar armed hordes and subsequently by the combined armed forces of the Union Government and State Government of Hyderabad. After the police action, a 50,000 strong force of armed personnel of different categories was deployed to violently suppress the movement and restore the landlord rule.
More than 10,000 peasants and people's fighters were jailed for a period of 3-4 years and almost 50,000 people were dragged into detention camps from time to time. They were beaten, tortured and terrorised for months together. Several lakhs of people in thousands of villages were subjected to police and military raids and cruel lathi charges.
The Telengana armed struggle was withdrawn on 21 October 1951 leaving
behind fundamental questions unanswered whether the movement should have
been called off or not. The Telangana armed struggle is a landmark in the
history of peasant's movement in India.
TEBHAGA STRUGGLE OF BENGAL(1946-47)
The Tebhaga movement, launched in November 1946, was one of the most important and extensive movement of small peasants and agricultural workers in pre independence India against the oppression by landlords and jotedars to secure two-third share in the crops produced.
The Movement began in 13 districts where oppression of bargadars was most pronounced. Large scale land owning resulted in sharp polarisation between jotedars and bargadars. These characteristics were most notable in three northern districts, Dinajpur, Rangpur and Jalpaiguri and two western districts, 24-paraganas and Midnapur of West Bengal.
The government issued secret circular instructing the district adminstrators to resort to all sorts of repressive measures to scotch the movement. Jotedars began their offensive against the bargadars with the help of goondas and police. Large number of police camps were set up in the strongholds of the movement. The gangsters and police forcibly carried away the crop stack from the bargadars and khamars to the jotedars. Whenever the bargadars resisted they were attacked without mercy and even fired upon.
The Peasants put up a determined and heroic defense in a number of places. Thousands of peasants joined the protest demonstration that followed in Dinajpur, Rangpur and Jalpaiguri. When a peasant demonstration was staged at Thakurgaon town the police opened fire on it killing five peasants on the spot. In Thumnia village in the same district, police firing took a toll of four peasant lives. The peasants retaliated and as a result many jotedars.
The movement spread to other parts of Bengal especially in the north where the tribals also joined the movement. When the peasants were carrying the gathered crop from the big jotedars in Mal area on 1 March 1947 the police fired on them, killing four. Nine peasants were killed at Mangalu village in the Meteli area on 4 April 1947.
On 8 March in 24 Paraganas district, five peasants were killed. The area was set ablaze, thousands of peasants rushed to the spot of the killing. The vicious police offensive led to killing of 72 people by the police. Thousands more were wounded. Altogether 3119 people were arrested 1200 of them in Dinajpur alone.
The Tebhaga struggle had left an abiding impact on the life of the bargadars. Everybody in the area had one voice, one demand : Tebhaga chai (We want two-third share).
THE ROYAL INDIA NAVY STRIKE (1946)
The Naval strike of 1946 marked a new stage in the Indian freedom struggle - the end of the period when Indian servicemen could be used for the suppression of the struggle for independence.
The Naval strike started at the HMIS Talwar in Bombay on 18 February 1946 against the humiliating treatment of the Naval ratings by the British Naval officers. They demanded the release of all political prisoners including those of the Indian National Army(INA), action against Commander King for using insulting language against the ratings, speedy demobilisation and provision for resettlement in peace-time employment, better food, access to NAAFI canteens and withdrawal of Indian troops from Indonesia.
The news of the strike in HMIS Talwar had spread all over India. A large number of British troops had gathered round Castle Barracks on 21 February 1946 and stated firing at the ratings. Although the ratings retaliated with the same intensity, they were outnumbered. By 22 February due to superior ammunition and large troops the revolt was crushed in other parts of the country.
RAILWAY WORKERS STRIKE (1974)
The railway strike of May 1974 was one of the biggest strikes since independence in which lakhs of railway workers participated. They were protesting against the government's wage discrimination, unlimited working hours, lack of uniformity in dealing with labour issues and refusal to grant bonus to the employees. Never before had there been a strike encompassing the entire rail network and claiming the support of almost every union.
The All India Railways Federation called for an indefinite general railway strike on 8 May 1974 demanding the increase of wages and pay scale at par with the other public sector undertakings and against various discriminatory policies of the government. The May 1974 strike was the peak of a wave of railway workers militancy.
The strike lasted for twenty days involving lakhs of railway workers. Although the strike was a resounding success, it was eventually crushed by a huge police and paramilitary operation. The strike is considered as one of the events which precipitated the Emergency in the following year. The government branded the strike as a `political strike' and used it as a justification for the declaration of Emergency.
MUMBAI TEXTILE WORKERS' STRIKE(1985)
The Mumbai textile workers strike of 1982 led by Datta Samant was one of the biggest strikes of the textile workers. More then 2.5 lakh textile workers joined the historical strike on 18 January 1982 demanding a flat wage increase of Rs.250-Rs.400 per month for different categories of workers and permanency to nearly a lakh badli workers. They also demanded increase in leave facility to workers employed by mills which have carried out automation and modernisation.
Samant called for a one-day strike on 6 January 1982 which was total. Encouraged, Samant gave a call for an indefinite strike from 18 January at large workers rally at Nardulla. The strike started in the modernised sector of the industry over the annual bonus issue. It lasted for more than six months and was one of the longest strike in the history of the independent India. It had a far reaching effect on he wages and bargaining structure of the workers thereafter.
Of the 2.5 lakh mill workers on strike, an estimated one lakh were badli or substitute workers. The strike raised the all important demand of granting mandatory recognition to unions with majority support and ascertaining this majority through secret ballot. It gave the textile workers of Mumbai a new identity, a protracted class battle which received unflinching support from the masses of rural toilers in Maharashtra.
By October 1982, the strike came to an end due to inner division and
disunity among the workers and some sections strongly favouring to end
the strike. There was serious differences in the ranks and files of the
trade unions leading the strike. Some stood behind Datta Samant while others
were opposing him.
KAMANI WORKERS' STRIKE (1985)
The first ever workers take-over of a factory - Kamani Tubes Limited (KTL) in September 1988 was a historic and profound event in India. KTL is the only industry in the country which is owned by a cooperative of all employees including workers, staff and officers. The factory was formally inaugurated on 6 April 1989 and began commerical production soon.
Earlier, the production activites had come to a grinding halt in September 1985 because it's electricity and water supply had been cut off by the municipality as company had failed to clear it's bills for a long time. The owners and the senior managers of the company abandoned the factory while the workers on the other hand stayed on to guard the property. The workers were not paid wages for the nine months prior to the closure.
After over three years of struggle, the workers finally succeeded in taking over the management of the company on 23 September 1988. The workers formed a cooperative called KTL Kamgar Audyogik Utpadak Sahakari Society Limited which eventually became the major shareholder of KTL. the fact that the workers decided to restore a financially sick unit when its promoters abandoned it, has been hailed as a landmark in the history of labour movement in India. The workers had come forward to protect the two basic aims of industry namely expansion of employment opportunities and increase in production.
In early September 1986 the union moved a proposal for forming a workers cooperative which would manage the factory. Around 600 workers came forward eagerly to pay Rs.11 each as entry fee and share capital. The Maharashtra government refused support.
The workers got a boost when the Sick Industrial Companies ACt of 1985 came into effect from 12 January 1987. The Board for Industrial and Financial Reconstruction (BIFR) was formed under this act to enquire into sick companies and initiate schemes for their rehabilitation.
The union moved a civil miscellaneous petition for consideration of the workers scheme in January 1987. The Supreme Court referred this scheme to BIFR for consideration on October 1987. The BIFR scrutinised all the suggestions and objections submitted and finally passed an order on 20 May 1988 that the objections raised by the Kamani family were untenable. It also decided that the cooperative would purchase all the company at a token rate of one rupee a share.
The BIFR subsequently cleared the scheme with some modification on 6 September. The workers finally won the battle on 19 September 1988 when Supreme Court ruled that the workers should be allowed to reopen the factory and asked the government and financial institutions to help them.
PORT AND DOCK WORKERS STRIKE (1989)
More then three lakh port and dock workers at 10 major ports in the country resorted to an indefinite nation wide strike from 17 April 1989 demanding revision of wages and payment of interim relief in parity with public sector undertakings. The strike was a total success. This was the biggest strike bythe port and dock workers since independence.
Since there was no progress at all over 15 months due to the adamant and rigid attitude of the port and dock authorities and restriction imposed by the BPE guidelines, the representatives of the four federations called upon its affiliates to serve notice for the indefinite strike from 17 April 1989. The Workers participated in the strike unitedly despite intimidation from the authorities. The essential services were given exemption from the purview of the strike.
The successful strike secured a minimum relief of more than Rs.175 and acceptance of their major demand - parity in wage with public sector employees.
The unions affiliated to four major federations of the port and dock workers in the country, Water Transport Federation of India (CITU), Port, Dock and Water Federation of India (AITUC), All India Federation of Port and Dock Workers Federation (HMS) and Indian National Port and Dock workers Federation (INTUC) were on a continuous struggle with the management since November 1987 when they submitted their jointly framed charter of demands.
Till March 1989, about 11 rounds of discussions took place. The management representatives initially tried to impose some preconditions for wage revision which included reduction in manpower, more automation and mechanisation, curtailment and withdrawal of existing benefits. Thereafter, the management pleaded their inability to increase wages beyond 12.5 percent of the average wage level of 1987 as pe the guidelines given by the Bureau of Public Enterprise.
FISHWORKERS STRUGGLE (1994)
Lakhs of fishermen from all over the country struck work on 4 February 1994 to register their protest against the central government's deep sea fishing policy. The National Fishworkers' Forum in collaboration with small mechanised boat operators organized the nation wide strike. The strike assumed a nation wide phenomena as fishermen from almost all the coastal states including Gujarat, Maharashtra, Goa, Kerala, Tamilnadu and West Bengal joined the struggle.
This Fishermen sharply attacked the recommendation of the Technology Mission constituted by the government to introduce 2600 deep sea fishing vessels in the range 12 to 40 metres sizes and the recent rush by a big number of large industrial houses to enter into the deep sea fishing with foreign equity participation. Moreover the government's policy to promote joint venture most of which are 100 percent export oriented units is anti-national, they said.
The main demands of the fish workers on the strike were : the expansion of the ambit of the operation of small fishermen to deeper waters for harvesting the resources, liberalised central subsides and the credits for small fishermen who venture into deep seas, increased supply of fish for domestic consumption, a fish subsidy in the line of food grain subsidy to promote deep sea fishing, legal rights and reservation of exclusive fishing zones for small-scale artisanal fishermen at least upto the contiguous zone.
The constant demand of the artisanal fishermen over the years have been
to proclaim an exclusive economic zone for small scale fishermen, ban destructive
fishing techniques and a systematic regulation and management of the living
marine resources of the country. The artisanal fishermens' agitation was
at once both an ecological movement and also a social movement. The sharp
and sudden decline in living standards, the disturbing realisation that
the resources of the sea are not infinite and the experimental discovery
of the ecological damage caused by trawling marked the beginning
of a series of spontaneous clashes between traditional fishermen and trawlers.
Complied by Suman Ray
Source : Labourfile - January - April 2000