WOMEN'S EXPERIENCES OF THE STATE

A. POLITICAL COMPLICITY

"Arre ye Narendra Modi ne hi sab kuch kiya. Hamara zindagi barbaad kiya." (That Narendra Modi, he did all this. He is the one who has ruined our lives) This is how the Muslim women of Gujarat see their Chief Minister - as the man who has ruined their lives forever. "Sarkar" (Government)? "What sarkar, they ask?" In the words of countless women who have been devastated by the continuing violence, the State of Gujarat had simply disappeared when they needed it most. The State - including elected representatives, the political executive, the administration, and the police - abdicated its responsibility to protect all its citizens. Far worse, it actively connived in the maiming, raping, and butchering of hundreds of women and children of Gujarat. More than five weeks after the post-Godhra carnage began, no effort is being made to ensure punishment of the guilty. FIRs are not being lodged, compensation not given. The relief camps are running only through the efforts of the Muslim community, with occasional help from the government. Narendra Modi visited the Shah-e-Alam relief camp (among the largest, housing over 10,000 refugees) for the first time when he accompanied the PM on April 4th, 2002.

MAYA KODNANI, BJP MLA
The fact-finding team met Maya Kodnani, the BJP MLA from Naroda Patia, one of the worst affected areas in Ahmedabad. She has also been named in an FIR as having participated in the Naroda Patia carnage on February 28th, 2002.

She showed no remorse at the State abdicating responsibility. There was nothing the State could do, she says. "There was a natural ghrina (hatred) and aakrosh (anger) in the heart of every Hindu and we could not control it."
 

Maya Kodnani's estimates of the size of the mobs that attacked Naroda Patia (50,000 to 1 lakh) far exceed the largest
estimates given by eyewitnesses to the mob violence. Her claim, therefore, that the Police were "utterly helpless" in the face of this flood of anger, appeared untenable.

Maya Kodnani found time to visit Ahmedabad Station to receive bodies of the Godhra victims, who are not her constituents. But not once in over a month has she found time to visit the Muslim relief camps, where thousands of her constituents are strewn around like human debris.

Ms. Kodnani denies even knowing where all her Muslim constituents have fled.

She also denies any knowledge about the large number of rapes having occurred at Naroda Patia during the mayhem.

She admitted that only 16 people were arrested in the Naroda Patia incidents, out of which only 5 or 6 remain in jail, while the rest have been released on bail.

Maya Kodnani claims that this kind of communal violence is part of Gujarat ki prakruti and Gujarat ki taasir. It is a natural part of life, and should be accepted as such.

She dismissed the FIR lodged against her as being false merely because it was filed 18 days after the violence. She claimed that Doordarshan had footage proving that she was elsewhere at the time.

(A detailed account of the conversation with Maya Kodnani is attached in Annexure 2.1) NATHIBEHN: MAHILA SARPANCH
Another case of State participation in the violence was provided by Laxmipura Village in Khed Brahma Taluka of Sabarkantha District. The fact-finding team visited this village because it had a Mahila Sarpanch, Nathibehn, whose husband and son have been identified as leading the mobs who torched Muslim homes on the evening of February 27th, 2002. .

Nathibehn was clearly only a puppet Sarpanch. The de-facto Sarpanch was her husband Jitu Bhai Patel.

Jitu Bhai Patel and his son Ramesh Patel (both members of the local VHP unit) justified the torching of Muslim homes, saying Godhra was the beginning and that Muslims always start everything, never the Hindus. They also claimed that Muslims from almost every village in Gujarat had gone to participate in the Godhra `murders'.

The entire family - Nathibehn, Jitu Bhai, and Ramesh expressed a great deal of hatred for Muslims, and said that Muslims could only live in the village if they followed village tradition i.e. shaved their beards, stopped wearing caps etc.

Sarpanch Nathibehn denied knowing the whereabouts of the Muslims who have been forced to flee Laxmipura.

(A detailed account of the discussions in Laxmipura is attached as Annexure 2.2)
KESHUBHAI PATEL, SARPANCH
While there are examples of elected representatives actively participating or condoning violence against Muslims, blaming it on an "unstoppable flood of Hindu anger", the fact-finding team also found evidence that where State actors chose to protect Muslims, they managed to do so successfully. Chithroda Village in Khed Brahma Taluka provides an example. Here the Sarpanch Keshubhai Patel claims that he got anonymous phone calls from mob leaders trying to assess the level of support inside the village for their entry. He refused to allow the mobs to enter his village, or harm the 40 odd Muslim families in any way.

(A detailed account of the discussion with Sarpanch Keshubhai Patel is attached as Annexure 2.3).

The fact-finding team was convinced that mob violence was unleashed only in those areas where the mobs were sure of getting full support from local leaders and the state machinery. 

Several accounts speak of policemen actively aiding, abetting, and in some cases leading the mobs. Video footage seen by the fact-finding team showed slogan's like, Yeh andar ki baat hai, Police hamare saath hai (The inside story is that the police is on our side) - written boldly on the walls of gutted Muslim homes.

A pattern that was often repeated was that the Police would open fire at the Muslims rather than at the mob, which was attacking them.

In other cases, the police turned a deaf ear to cries of help, or simply told women, in so many words, that they did not have `orders from above' to help them. Women and children were repeatedly turned away from Police chowkis and stations and told to fend for themselves.

At best, the Police would take a crowd of frightened Muslims and dump them in safer Muslim majority areas. The message was clear - `Protecting Muslims is not our responsibility; Other Muslims can look after them'. Muslims were no longer citizens of the state.

In no instance did the fact-finding team hear of Mahila Police being deployed in areas where women were being brutalized.

In a vast majority of the cases, FIRs have not been lodged. Several accounts say that the Police simply refuse to lodge the FIR, saying, `you don't have enough evidence, there is no case'.

Victims of sexual violence do not even have the confidence to approach the Police, let alone walk the long path to evidence gathering, and getting justice. In the words of one Muslim woman, "Yeh to Hinduon ki Police hai" (`This is a Hindu Police').

Muslim women surviving in relief camps across the state are not the only ones who dread the Police. Outside the camps, in several Muslim dominated areas in Ahmedabad, they live in forced imprisonment and constant terror of another kind. Curfew has been imposed in these areas, including Millat Nagar, visited by the fact-finding team. Under the guise of `combing operations' the Police are picking up young Muslim boys at random. Mothers live in constant fear.

In order to protect their men, women are being forced to venture out of their homes for daily chores, and encountering the Police. The fact-finding team heard specific accounts of continuing police atrocities - of women being severely beaten or killed in Police firing.

However, even in its worst moment, there remained in Gujarat isolated pockets of calm where the police and the administration stood firm, giving the lie to the theory that the post-Godhra carnage was an unstoppable case of spontaneous communal combustion. For example, no casualties have been reported from Panchmahals District since March 5th, including in Godhra town where the spiral of violence first started and which has a long history of communal tension. The fact-finding team believes that this is in large part due to the sincere efforts of the District Collector Jayanti Ravi in ensuring that law and order is maintained.

Shabnam, 23, recounted the events of the afternoon of March 1: "The mob arrived, armed with trishuls and swords, shouting - Miya ne maro, Miya ne kato. (Kill the Muslims!). Some of them started pelting stones. We were 50 odd people, they were a few thousand. As we ran for our lives, the police blocked our escape, chasing us in the direction of the mob `Chalo maar do saalo ko' (Kill the bastards!), they shouted. This is the first time this has happened here. Where can we go? What is to become of us?"
(Qutb-e-Alam Dargah Relief Camp, Vatva, Ahmedabad. March 27, 2002)

Saira Bano, Resident of Khed Brahma town, Sabarkantha.
Date of Incident: February 28, 2002

It was 9:30 in the morning when the attack started. A large crowd came at us. They were all our neighbours. I recognize each one of them - I know the castes: Bhatt, Vaghri, Prajapat. We ran to the Police Station. The Police gave us shelter, but said that they could not protect us for long. They put us in dabba gaadis (police box-cars) and packed us off into the care of local Muslim leaders in Vadali. That's how we landed up at the relief camp.

(Vadali Relief Camp, March 28th, 2002)
Kulsum Bibi and Jannat Bibi, Residents of Jawan Nagar, Naroda Patia, Ahmedabad.
Date of incident: February 28, 2002

The day began like any other. We were all drinking tea when we heard that the (local) masjid had been attacked. The men and boys went out to see what was happening. They were confronted by a crowd of several thousands, armed with trishuls and swords. Some of the swords had Bajrang Dal written on it. They were wearing khakhi shorts. Some were carrying petrol. This we now know they had got from nearby Bipin Auto. The owner is a Bajrang Dal agyavan (leader). The trucks that had brought these men were stacked with gas cylinders...Suddenly the police fired. Some of our men were killed in the firing. The women and children started fleeing. Our colony is sandwiched between the State Reserve Police (SRP) Colony, the State Transport workshop and the Hindu housing societies- Gopinath and Gangotri. We all rushed towards the SRP Colony. We were not allowed inside. We begged but the gates remained shut. We kept running back and forth like caged animals. Then there was a lathi charge. Many of us got hit. We heard the police say things like - yeh aap logon ka aakhri din hai - (this is your last day).

(Shah-e-Alam Relief camp, Ahmedabad. March 27, 2002)
Saira Bano, Resident Navapura, Vatva, Ahmedabad

The maidan was full of thousands of trishul and sword wielding men. I have never seen so many people. Everyone was panicking. We lost all hope when the police came with the crowd. When we pleaded with the police that they were meant to protect everyone, they told us- "Tum lad lo. Jitni takat hain mukabala kar lo". (You fight them with whatever strength you have.)

(Qutb-e-Alam Relief Camp, Vatva, Ahmedabad. March 27, 2002)
Saira Bano, Resident Hussain Nagar, Naroda Patia, Ahmedabad
Date of Incident: February 28, 2002

Saira used to live in Hussain Nagar Chali in Naroda Patia. She is now at the camp with her 3 children. "I heard girls screaming. I saw a naked girl running with 25 men chasing her. The sweet shop owner was distributing sweets to the rioters. The police fired on the Muslims rather than the mob". She said that women were beaten with sticks. She saw her husband being killed in the police firing. She was hiding on the terrace of someone's house. "At least I saw him die. There are many women here who don't know what has happened to their husbands. Are they widows or not? Should they mourn or not?"

(Shah-e-Alam Relief Camp, Ahmedabad. March 27, 2002)

Nagori Bibi, Resident Khed Brahma near State Transport bus stand, Sabarkantha District.
Date of incident: February 28, 2002

The tension escalated and the mob (which she estimated as being over 2000) started throwing stones. By about 12 noon about 50 -60 people were taking refuge in her house. 25 of these people belonged to her extended family. Her brother-in-law then phoned the police to be told - "We neither have the time nor the staff. We can't come". They then phoned Amanullah Khan the local Muslim leader and also a member of the Congress. It was only after he put pressure on the police that they came.

(Vadali Relief Camp, Sabarkantha. March 28, 2002)

Shamshad Bibi, Resident Khed Brahma (near dargah), Sabarkantha.
Date of incident: February 28, 2002.

On February 27th when my sons went to the dargah they heard rumours that a dhamal (incident) was about to take place. There were other rumours of impending tension. 4 families slept at the dargah that night. In fact 2 policemen were posted outside. "Now when I look back the police had come around asking questions about the Muslim residents, like how much cattle we possessed." One policeman asked - "Mutton vutton milega kya?" Nothing happened that night. I was cooking lunch the next day when the mobs came shouting - Maro, Maro (Kill! Kill!) They were carrying trishuls. We ran. We had to cross the river, which is dry. Finally we reached the dargah. I found many other Muslims there. About 300 to 400 of us were cramped into a room. Then they came and set fire to the dargah wall. The police was around but did not stop the crowd. In fact we could hear them shouting looto! All we could do was pray. The police squad finally came and took us to the Police Station. We could hear them talking on the wireless - sab tod diya, phod diya. (everything is broken, destroyed) Then suddenly we were told - chale jao nahin to police station ko jala denge. (Go from here or they will burn down the police station)

(Vadali Relief Camp. Sabarkantha. March 28, 2002)

Farzana: Resident of Vatva, Ahmedabad (Story narrated by her sister-in-law Naim)
Date of Incident: March 20, 2002. 

Farzana, 25, lived behind the Dargah. She was shot dead by the police on the 20th of March. Her family members said: "First, we heard a commotion outside. Then we noticed a pall of smoke. As we came out into the courtyard to check what was happening, the police fired indiscriminately, killing Farzana. There were no men around as they had all gone to read the namaaz". Among the policemen identified by the residents of the area are SP KC Patel, PSI Baluch, PSI Siddiq Sheikh and PI Singh. "The Hindu mobs were gathering near Ashopalo housing society, some distance away. Par Police ne wahan nahin, hamare par hi attack kar diya. (But instead of going there, the Police came here and started firing). In the same shooting spree a young man Sikandar, 20, was killed. Six others, including Mumtaz Bano, were wounded. She is a polio victim. Her neighbours are bewildered. "Why shoot at a handicapped girl? Poor thing had one bad leg, now she has two damaged legs." Farzana's older sister, Shahnaz Bano, was lathi charged when she came out to save her sister. Shahnaz is angry and bitter. "How can they enter our homes and kill us. We only ask for one thing - insaaf"

We saw the bullet holes in the wall and the memorial they had made for Farzana. A crumpled dupatta marks the spot in the courtyard where Farzana first fell. An aluminium pot covers the spot where she died.

(Vatva, Ahmedabad. March 27, 2002)

Naseem and Ameena, Residents of Bahar Colony (an upper middle class colony) Vadodora
Date of Incident: March 17, 2002

When the fact-finding team arrived there shortly before noon, the road was deserted since the area was under curfew. Only women were allowed to venture out in the day. On the main road we were met by one of the residents, Naseem. She told us of the events of March 17.

The mob came at 11 PM but could not enter the colony because of police patrolling. Then they retuned at 3 PM the next day. First, they blasted a godown. Then they began to burn the few `jhonpar pattis' (slum dwellings) nearby. These were owned by some Hindu families who had already been evacuated. Suddenly police jeeps were seen. 200-300 women tried to stop the police jeeps. It is alleged that the police just went ahead saying `Ab to yahan aisa chalay ga!' (From now on, this is the way it will go here).Then they returned and started firing during which one bystander was shot. Since the women were outside on the road, the police started beating them with lathis to herd them inside. Amina Haroon Memon was one such woman.

Amina took us aside, removed her shalwar and showed the laceration mark from the police danda. `They hit me even as I was trying to get back inside my house. And such filthy gaalis. We went out to call the police because if our boys would have gone they would have forcibly taken them away. Even if I die it does not matter. I am forty plus. But not the young boys, they have a life ahead. The people who come they have `sadhan' (arms) we have nothing.'

(Vadodra. March 28, 2002)

Testimonies of Continuing Fear, Ajwa Road, Vadodara

This is a Muslim area consisting of several 8 or 9 storey buildings. We went into the house of Daud Shaikh where about 20 women had collected. First they told us about the Best Bakery massacre which has been recorded in detail by Sahiyar, an NGO working in Vadodara. Maimuna Shaikh told us that they were running a Chinese fast food business but everything is at a standstill for the past month. Maimuna's daughter-in-law Farhana, an outspoken young woman, spoke to us about the daily harassment. `The mobs come on motorcycles. We can't recognize them because of the helmets. They threaten us. At night they clang the thalis, clang the electricity poles, whistle. We have not slept for one month, so acute is the tension. When the `tola' (mob) comes the Police are at the vanguard. Maimuna's young son was picked up by the Police. Zehra, who was 3 months pregnant had gone out with the women to plead with the Police not to take him away. She showed us the spot where she was hit with a Police danda (stick).

(Vadodara, March 28th, 2002)

Testimonies of women whose young sons have been picked up in combing operations, Millat Nagar, Ahmedabad. 

There is curfew in the area. As a result, daily wage earners, small shop owners, vendors, tailors, butchers have all been unemployed for over a month. Adding to this forced imprisonment, and virtual destitution is the atmosphere of terror - because the Police have started `combing operations' in Muslim dominated areas, picking up young Muslim boys at random. So acute is this fear of the Police that even for small tasks to be done outside the home women venture out more rather than men. No one knows why and under what charge these young men are being arrested.

The fact-finding team met 5 mothers in Millat Nagar, in the offices of Sahrwaru, an NGO, which has been working in the area for several years. Their sons were picked up by the police during a combing operation on March 21st, 2002- Bugo Bibi's son Akeel Khan, age 22; Badla Bibi's son, Arif, age 20; Noorjehan's son Saleem, age 25; Abida's son Imran, age 18; Ammu Bibi's son, Feroz Khan, age 20. The families do not know what the charges are. All that the distraught mothers can say is "Combing mein le gaye mere bete ko" (They took away my son in combing). They weep all the time, dying a thousand deaths a day not knowing if their son's are alive or not. Every day they come to the Sahrwaru office trying to find ways to get a bail hearing for their sons. Life, said one, means - "Na din ko neend, na raat ko. Na rozi, na roti, na chain". ( No sleep during the day or night. No income, no food, no peace) That's life in Gujarat today if you are the mother of a young Muslim boy.

(Sahrwaru Office, Millat Nagar, March 27th, 2002) 

Shankar, Resident of Chamunda bridge area, Ahmedabad
 

A MEETING WITH POLICE SUB-INSPECTOR PATIL,
INCHARGE OF KALOL POLICE STATION,
KALOL TALUKA, PANCHMAHALS DISTRICT, MARCH 30, 2002

PSI Patil and DySP Parmar had both been named by Muslims in Kalol as having led the mobs who burnt and looted. Jamadar Uday Singh, Badge # 1272 was identified as having started burning a Muslim owned vehicle. Kalol has one of the highest death tolls in Panchmahals (26 dead: 23 Muslims and 3 Hindus). The taluka has also reported extreme brutality against women (Ref: Sultani's testimony in Section 1 on Sexual Violence).

As the interview progressed, PSI Patil's initially confident attitude was replaced by suspicion and defensiveness. He was also joined by other policemen, including a policewoman. She said that during this period she was always in the office and had not been assigned "field duty". PSI Patil denied playing any role in the violence. And to prove his impartiality he kept mentioning an incident where he saved 15 Muslims from a crowd of over 4000 near Jethral station. He also justified the high death toll by stating that the situation could not be controlled as it was a natural reaction to Godhra. 4 karsevaks who died on the Sabarmati express were from Kalol taluka, from nearby Bhadroli village. Among the dead were a mother and child. This image had a deep impact on the people and they reacted. The extent of outpouring was such that the police could have done nothing. They had not anticipated this therefore there was inadequate "bandobast".

When told that many victims claim they are being refused the right to lodge FIRs, he hotly denied this, and said, proudly that Kalol Station had lodged 13 FIRs. We asked for details of these FIRs. Closer examination revealed that only 6 FIRs had been lodged by victims. 7 FIRs had been lodged by the State with Patil himself as the complainant. The State FIRs were an eyewash - since the accused in each FIR was simply written as `tola' (mob). Obviously not a single arrest has been made in these State FIRs. We examined the other 6 FIRs:

1. Complainant: Medina Bibi, Eral. Out of the 39 named as accused, only 13 have been arrested

2. Complainant: Arvind Bhai Parmar. Out of 5 Muslims accused, all have been arrested.

3. Complainant: Ilyas. No arrests

4. Complainant: Ahmed Haji Mohammed: Out of 10 named as accused, none have been arrested.

5. Complainant: Shiraz Abdul: 4 arrests

6. Musa Bhai Sheikh: Out of 2 accused, none have been arrested.

One Muslim died and 3-4 were injured when the Police fired to control a volatile situation that arose when 3 Hindus were stabbed on the 27 of February. The firing was done by Dy SP Parmar, who many testified as having seen leading the mobs. However, when the firing was against large Hindu mobs there were no deaths. We asked PSI Patil how was it possible that when firing at a large mob, the Police did not manage to injure even a single person? He smiled and said Yeh to chance ki baat hai (It's all a matter of chance).

There is a clearly a long road ahead to justice, rehabilitation and recovery for the victims of Gujarat. The fact-finding team tried to meet Mr. Kumaraswami, who is in charge of the Human Rights Cell in the office of the DG Police. Although too busy to meet the team because of the PM's impending visit, he agreed to a phone interview. He was asked to comment on the charge made by almost every victim met by the team that the Police was aiding, abetting and colluding with the looting and marauding mobs - what action was being taken on these charges? What action was the Human Rights Cell proposing on the evidence of several cases of rape? What, according to him, should have been the role of the Mahila Police, in preventing sexual violence?. Mr. Kumaraswami's responses were that he was simply a part of the DG's office, working as a bridge between the NHRC and the DG. His office merely laid down the policy about women police, and about other human rights aspects. Since he was not a field officer he did not have answers for the rest of the questions.

The fact-finding team was concerned that with the total collapse of the State machinery in Gujarat, there was no alternative institutional mechanism in Gujarat through which women could seek justice. Gujarat does not have a State Commission for Women, and until the writing of this report, the National Commission for Women had chosen not to visit the State.
 

WOMEN'S EXPERIENCES OF THE STATE

Annexure 2.1
A meeting with Maya Kodnani, BJP MLA from Naroda Patia - named as an accused in an FIR in the carnage.
March 29, 2002.

The team met Maya Kodnani, the BJP MLA from Naroda Patia, among the worst hit areas in Ahmedabad. Ms. Kodnani has been named as an accused in an FIR as having participated in the mayhem in Naroda Patia. She showed no remorse at the State's inability to prevent Naroda Patia. There was nothing the State could do, she says. There was a natural ghrina (hatred) and aakrosh (rage) in the heart of every Hindu and we could not control it. "It was impossible to stop. There were between 50,000 and 1,00,00 people out on the streets. How could the police have stopped them? It was humanly impossible." The figures Maya Kodnani gives of the mobs - 50,000 to 1 lakh far exceed the largest estimates given by eyewitnesses to the mob violence. "The crowds were so huge that it was impossible to move about in Ahmedabad that day", she says. She continues to justify "Hindu Aakrosh" by speaking at length about Godhra. When the train from Godhra came in to Ahmedabad carrying bodies of the victims, it was truly horrible, she says. And when these bodies were taken by relatives to their home towns and villages, naturally the anger spread across the state. People began to feel, Terrorism ke khilaaf kuch to action hona chanhiye. ISI bhi involved thi. Aur phir Gujarat ki prakruti hi aisi hai. Jab bhi kuch communal hota hai, hamesha phailta hai. (There has to be some action against terrorism. ISI was also involved. And Gujarat's essential nature is such that whenever there is communal tension it spreads). The team members are shocked by her casual acceptance of the "natural Gujarati inclination towards communal violence" and the ease with which she basically blamed a carnage of this scale on the "essential nature of Gujarat". The phrases "Gujarat ki Prakruti" and "Gujarat ki Taasir" to explain the communal carnage - were used by Maya Kodnani several times during the discussion. Communal violence, for this BJP MLA, was a natural phenomenon.

Maya Kodnani then proceeded to blame the media, particularly the electronic media for inciting violence - they behave irresponsibly, she says. CNN, for example, did not show images of dead bodies after the attack on the twin towers after September 11th, but the Indian electronic media showed everything, that added fuel to Hindu sentiments. Ironically she handed us a VHP publication entitled "Godhra and its Aftermath" which more than capitalized on gory pictures of burnt Godhra victims. And would have helped inflame passions.

When the team members asked her about the press coverage of atrocities against Muslim women, she claimed to have no knowledge of these atrocities, because she has not spoken to a single Muslim woman since the violence began. About cases of rape, she said she had heard something about one rape from a police officer, but she wasn't sure. As an MLA and a woman to boot, her casual attitude to sexual violence was alarming. While this BJP MLA elected by the people of Naroda, found time to visit Ahmedabad Station to receive the bodies of the Godhra victims (who are not her constituents), she has not found time, for over one month, to visit a single Muslim relief camp where thousands of her constituents are strewn around like human debris. Indeed, she professed ignorance of where her constituents may have fled to.

Maya Kodnani categorically denied that the violence was pre-planned. When the team members asked her how it was possible for a "spontaneous" mob to be carrying dozens of gas cylinders to be used as explosives, she said housewives were voluntarily giving the mobs gas cylinders from their homes- Log apne makanon se nikaal, nikaal kar de rahe the. (People were giving them from their own homes)

The team questioned Maya Kodnani about the numbers arrested in the Naroda Patia carnage. The reply: a total of 16, of which most have got bail. Only 5 or 6 men remain in jail. When asked about the FIR against her she said - `The FIR was lodged 18 days after the incident. I was at the Civil Hospital on the 28th with the Godhra dead bodies. So I could not have been at Naroda.'

Annexure 2.2
Meeting with Sarpanch Nathibehn, Laxmipura Village, Sabarkantha
March 28th, 2002

Laxmipura village, located in Khed Brahma Taluka of Sabarkantha district, had until recently had a population of about 10,000, including a tiny Muslim minority. The Muslims have since fled the village.

The major caste/religious communities in Laxmipura:
Patels: 300 families
Harijans: 200 families
Thakeras: 200 families
Prajapats: 60 families
Brahmins: 30 families
Mistris: 30 families
Muslims: 24 families

The Muslims of Laxmipura were drivers, ferrying passengers in jeeps from Laxmipura to Khedbrahma, some had atta chakkis (flour mills), others ran small shops.

After February 28th, Laxmipura has become an entirely Hindu village.

On March 28th, 3 members of the team visited Laxmipura to meet Jitu Bhai Patel and Ramesh Patel - both men had been identified by Muslim women in the Vadali relief camp as leading the riotous mobs who burnt and looted their homes. Jitu Bhai is the husband of the current woman sarpanch Nathibehn. Ramesh Patel is their son. Both men are members of the local unit of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad.

The VHP has been mobilizing actively in Laxmipura for the last five or six years. Two young men from the village, we are proudly informed, had even gone to Ayodhya for kar seva. We are also told that virtually every child in Laxmipura is a member of the VHP - Hum sab sage sambandhi hain. (We are all like family).

Nathibehn is clearly a puppet Sarpanch. Soon after we start our conversation with her and several other female members of her household, we are joined by Jitu Bhai, her husband - the de facto sarpanch, and by a swaggering Ramesh, who proceeds to sit-sprawl on the floor with one leg crooked up and one spread wide in a gesture of cocky aggression. His eyes are suspicious and challenging. We proceed tentatively.

Nathibehn speaks little. Most of our questions are answered by the father-son duo. According to them, the root cause of all the trouble are the events at Godhra. Godhra, they claim was a pre-planned, pre-medidated assault on Hindus. Among those who died in the burning compartments was one Bhimji Bhai Patel from the neighbouring village of Derol Kampa. They say it was natural for emotions to rise when Bhimji's body arrived for his funeral on Feb. 27th, in a procession organized by the local VHP. In order to reach Derol Kampa one has to pass through Laxmipura, and when people in Laxmipura saw the charred body they could not control their emotions. To make matters worse (or, better?) the body was put on display for over half an hour in Laxmipura. Some people went on to Derol Kampa for the funeral, others stayed back and torched Muslim homes. It was spontaneous anger. Ramesh keeps contradicting himself. From "I don't know who did it or how it happened" to, "Yes, some of us stayed back, to express our anger."

Did you, as Sarpanch, call for help?, we ask Nathibehn.

Jitu Bhai answers, " I called the local PSI, there was no response."

From 8:30 pm onwards on February 27th a `tola' (mob) of about 300 people, mainly from the Patel community, attacked Muslim homes in Laxmipura. The mob also included some adivasis from outside the village.

Does Nathibehn know where the Muslims have fled to?

No, she says.

Have you seen or spoken to any of them?

No. Some of them have come. They just sneak in, take a look at their (burnt) homes and go back quietly. If they want help they should come to us.

Ramesh Patel justifies the action.

According to him, Godhra was carefully pre-planned. Two Muslims from almost every village in Gujarat went to participate in the Godhra attack (a fascinating piece of anti-Muslim fiction paralleling the kar seva and shila daan strategy of the Hindutva forces: Gaon Gaon Se Aayenge, Mandir Wahin Banayenge). And even though the Muslims from Laxmipura had nothing to do with it, it is quite possible that their fellow Muslims in Khed Brahma were part of the conspiracy. All Muslims were part of this conspiracy, he says. "Otherwise how did Muslims find out about the Godhra incident before we did and start fleeing their homes. They knew, because they did it. Hindus can't take every thing lying down. After killing so many Hindus, now the Muslims in Vadali are saying they will not let us celebrate Holi! Who the hell do they think they are? (On March 28th the Gujarat Government had announced a ban on playing Holi with colours, balloons, and bulbs in several parts of the state - this is now being blamed on Muslim aggression/design).

Ramesh and Jitu Bhai Patel continue to tell us what they think of Muslims.

Muslims, they say, are nothing but trouble.

"Apne paas wale ko maarte hain" (They kill those nearest to them).

"Muslims ko bhi is mulk mein rehna hai, to Pakistan ki baat kyon karte hain" (If Muslims have to stay in this country then why do they keep talking about Pakistan).

"Danga jo ho raha hai, Muslimhi kar rahe hain" (The riots that are happening, it is the Muslims who are doing it)

"Bomb blast, parliament par attack. Hamesha woh pehle karte hain. Kabhi Hindu pehle nahin karta" (Bomb blasts, attack on Parliament, they always do it first. It is never the Hindu).

So, can Muslims ever return to Laxmipura?

Yes. They can stay here, but only if they live according to the "reet" (tradition) of the village. "Pehle rehte the gaon ki reet ke hisaab se. Pichle paanch saal mein daadi latkane lage hain, topi pehenne lage hain. Sari nahin pehente." (earlier they used to live according to common tradition. But in the last five years they've started dressing strangely, hanging beards from their faces, and wearing funny caps on their heads. The women have stopped wearing sarees). Ramesh sniggers in disgust and amusement at his description of "the Muslim". He is particularly pleased at his description of the "hanging beard". According to him, this change among the Muslims has occurred because Muslim maulvis have started visiting the village more frequently in the last five years, and changing the attitude of Muslims.

At no stage in the conversation did any member of the team directly confront Ramesh or Jitu Bhai Patel about their role in the violence. At no stage did either Nathibehn, Ramesh, or Jitu Bhai display any signs of guilt, discomfort, remorse, or empathy. Both men have been identified by several Muslims in the relief camps as leading the mobs in Laxmipura on February 27th, 2002.

Annexure 2.3
Meeting with Sarpanch Keshubhai Patel, Chithroda Village
March 28th, 2002

Chitroda has a population of around 1200 Hindus and 40 -50 Muslims, most of whom live in one cluster.

Interviewer(I): Was there trouble?

Sarpanch (S): I had a phone call saying the mobs were coming. But I warned them. Manna kiya. We've always had peace here and want it to stay that way.

I : Who phoned you?
S : You know ...(after much persistence) The VHP pracharak. (He did not name the person).
I : What would they say when they called?
S : You know ... we are coming .... Jalane aur lootne ke liye (To burn and loot)
I : When did they call?
S : On the 1st and 2nd.
I : How come they listened to you when the police failed?
S : This is my village. I told them they will not be allowed to enter. I also told them-. takat ho to aa jao (If you have the strength then come). "He's a strong man and has been sarpanch for many years" others who were listening to the conversation added.
I : Why did the violence take place?
S : It was not right, but then what happened in Godhra was not right either. In our village we are united so nothing happened here.
I : What has been the role of adivasis in the violence and looting?
S : Adivasis were clearly involved in the looting. But there is a difference between the looting and the burning and violence. The adivasis got involved because of a news item that appeared in the Sandesh newspaper. According to the report 10 adivasi girls were picked up by Muslims at the Godhra station after the train was burnt. They were taken to a Madarsa, raped (bura kaam) and then killed. Others in the crowd confirmed hearing this story.

Although Sarpanch Keshubhai protected Muslims he was unwilling to condemn the continuing violence or indeed to blame it on Hindus.