Riot-prone Meerut is a pretty accurate microcosmic representation of what happens in
areas where communal forces operate, says Raja Tiwari after visiting that city following
the riots in September 1982.
 

In Meerut, the communal riot was the result of a gradual coalescence of several eddies,
currents and streams of discord that kept growing in force, unchecked.  When they fused
together, the impact shook the country.  Of course, in general terms this explanation suffices
for virtually every riot that breaks out but, in its specifics, the Meerut riot stands revealed as
starkly communal, unlike Baroda where the communal situation was aided and abetted by the
several criminal and political factors with which it has been associated.  In the case of the
latter, then, post-riot analyses have confined themselves chiefly to the rivalry between Hindu
and Muslim bootleggers which escalated and acquired the greater dimensions of a communal
riot.  In a way, this is also a confortable and sometimes convenient manner of refusing  to
accept the existence of communal determinants--we would rather deny their existence.

Undoubtedly, Meerut too has had its fair share of political and criminal discords that could well
find communal channels of expression but the riots themselves ultimately broke out over a
question which was quintessentially communal: a disputed property. A Hindu claims that it was
a temple. A Muslim claims that it was the grave of a seer.

How did this primarily local dispute,confined to one area (Shahgasa) in Meerut, stoke the
passions of a whole city resulting in at least 31 deaths, rioting for one week, untold losses
to the khaddar and scissors cottage industry in Meerut and a three month long period of
unemployment for nearly 50,000 workers ?

Of course, once the riots broke, the news hit the headlines of every newspaper and magazine,
as a result of which the whole country was subjected to communal fragmentation. The Hindus
believed that the Muslims deserved what they got, they had it coming in any case. The Muslims
on their part added one more chapter to the annals of their grievous history. Ultimately, the riot
no longer makes news any more, it has been digested and assimilated but the passions that
left Meerut in flames have not yet been sublimated.

Growing Malaise
When a communal riot breaks out it brings to light a darker side of the country's history,
it forces you to recognise the malaise that has gripped the country for the better half of a
century, it compels you to reject the easy talk of national integration and development.

In the absence of a secular temper within Indian society, which is known to be fragmented in
to kinship, caste and religious groups, and because of the peculiar nature of its democratic
evolution, the terrain becomes extremely productive for obscurantist and revivalist forces
to exploit the friction that a riot yIelds.

Thus the Hindus hurtle themselves back over the time-span into the glorious Vedic ages,
living out idle fantasies of the nature of Ram rajya. The Muslim delve into their own tenets,
declare that India is dar-ul-harb, a heretical country living out of the pale of the Islamic
code. The retreat into these well-worn shells ensures a collision that detracts and debars
an understanding of the communal problem as it really exists today.

In one destructive flash then, a communal riot reveals the peculiar dynamic of outdated
ideological forms being imposed totally out of their contexts onto a modern-daysituation,
thus making a mockery of the country's secular aspira- tions. The twisted logic that then
pre- vails brings into its orbit certain sections of both communities who may subscribe to
a particular viewpoint partially or in toto.

If we proceed along lines like this, it raises certain basic questions about the positions of
classes, castes and communities in India today. It allows us to try and identify how
communal forces operate, what is the social base for such operations, who is closely
associated with the recent spurt in communal riots and of course, why.

Meerut does not answer all these questions, it only gives certain pointers which
may coincide with or even contradict evidence that has emerged from other well-known
riot-prone areas. Certainly, however, the situation in Meerut is a pretty accurate
microcosmic representation of a larger country-wide model.

First, a general backdrop to the specific situation in Meerut. The city's population is
severed virtually halfway by the Hindu-Muslim dividing line; with 48 per cent of its
residents being Muslim. Meerut also represents the western extreme of the Muslim belt in
Uttar Pradesh and has been fortunate in .its economic development. Perhaps because
of its proximity to Delhi it has witnessed a steady ingress of improverished landless labour,
mainly Muslim, converging from areas as far as western Bihar, through Ghazipur, Jaunpur,
Sultanpur, Rai Bareilly, etc. Politically, therefore, the situation is alarming for any Hindu
politician   and this is borne out by the fact that apart from the brief Janata interregnum,
Meerut has always returned Muslim Congress- I MPs and MLAs.

Economically, the khaddar and scissors industry in Meerut is at an almost primitive
state of development, mainly restricted to small Dickensian workshops where the
working class is predominantly Muslim.  Trade of the produce is however in the
hands of the Hindu banias, and the situation automatically lends itself easily to communal
exploitaiton.

Lately however, the primarily artisan like nature of Muslim participation in the city's
economy has been undergoing changes-a few Muslim weavers have finally turned
entrepreneurial. A similar process has been witnessed in the growth of iron foundaries,
furniture manufacture and lathe operations, apart from the growth that some Muslims have
registered as garage mechanics and even owners of big brass bands which accompany
every baaraat.

So far as the Hindu trading castes are concerned, the economic growth witnessed
amongst a few Muslim families represents a direct economic threat to them, apart from
aggravating their fears that this recent prosperity is indeed only a direct reflection of
the large-scale pumping of Gulf money into Muslim hands for a pan-Islamic resurgence.

Undoubtedly, there are reasons to believe that the appropriation of wealth in Muslim
hands sometimes fuels an aggression which the community lackej earlier without a
sound economic base. But such a phenomenon is really evident only in Baroda,
not in Meerut.

Simplistic Conclusion

Considering the political domination of Meerut by the Muslim community, it is
remarkably simple to conclude that the new-found economic weal has resulted in an
insolent show of Muslim superiority, ergo the riots were engineered by the Muslims.
this conclusion, however, has to he tempered with the obvious consideration that the
prosperity among Muslims is extremely restricted and confined, as opposed to the
general level of affluence among the Hindus. Which is not to say that there are no
deprived Hindus in Meerut. Rather, there are many more underprivileged Muslims than
poor Hindus in the city.

Which brings us to a point where it is important to delineate the social stratifications
as they exist in Meerut and to try and dovetail this into the resurgence of religious revivalism.
While the Muslim community is easily divided into Shia-Sunni blocks (the former represent
the more prosperous elements in the community) and is further fragmented along varying in
their positionsvis-a-vis the Indian nation (the spectrum encompasses the Congress-I at one
secular extreme and the Jamaat-e-Islami at the fundamentalist extreme) a surprising
development is materialising among the Hindus.

The new Hindu ethic, as it is emerging, is surprisingly tolerant in its outlook toward the
backward and scheduled castes who had hitherto been outside the mainstream of
Brahmanical revivalism. The exigencies of the political situation have, however, forced the
adoption of a more eclectic and populist doctrine. Therefore, you can witness the co-option
of the scheduled caste Bhois and the Kahars into the mainstream of Hindu revivalism in
Baroda. Likewise, in Meerut too, the Valmikis (a euphemism for the word Harijan) have
now come to find shelter under the broad Hindu umbrella. In one breath, a high-caste Hindu
will utter words like bhangi and chamar and in the same breath he will talk of their protection.
For the Valmikis, Bhois and Kahars this acceptance represents a turning-point in the history
of their communities and presents a concrete possibility for upward mobility.

Thus, the dominant myth of a monolithic community standing in opposition to fragmented
Hindu populace needs to be revised if we are to come to terms with the recent communal
developments. The case of Meerut and Baroda bears out the alarming proposition that the
scheduled castes have emerged as a third force that is actively willing to assert itself in a
communal situation and is in numerous instances a willing tool in the hands of
upper-caste Hindus.

Most often, the scheduled castes are perfectly amenable to enter into violent conflicts
and the sociological reality of Muslims living in close proximity to the scheduled castes
eminently suits the designs of Hindu communal forces.

Police Intervention
In fact, once the riots broke in Meerut, of the 60 areas put under curfew not one was a
predominantly Hindu area. Police firings and looting were confined to the extremely poor
quarters of Meerut, which are shared between the scheduled castes and the Muslims.
Surprisingly, then, of an estimated 100 deaths (police figures account for only 31, in the
case of the rest the deaths are indeterminate since the bodies were never recovered)
only eight Hindus were killed. This fact lends credence to the allegations made by some
Muslim leaders that the so-called communal riot was neither communal nor was it a riot,
in the sense that Hindus and Muslims did not clash violently and kill each other. It is said
that the Meerut riot was simply a police action where the police interceded to "protect" the
Hindus.

Some details may be necessary to shed light on this issue. Coincidentally, during the
period of tension in Meerut, he city commissioner, R.D. Sonkar, the district magistrate,
Shambhu Nath, and the Superintendent of Police, Pyarelal, were all scheduled caste
appointees (Khatik Harijan, Pasi Harijan, and Jatar Harijan, respectively). It might
seem shameful to recount these lurid details of caste groups but when these  facts
are examined in a particular context they make sense. Without necessarily raising the
bogey of a conspiracy it is reasonable to assume that the scheduled castes no doubt gained
confidence from the fact that the three most senior government officials in Meerut were from
their community. So far as the upper-class Hindus are concerned it is plausible that they
figure that here was one more positive advantage to be gained from the involvement of
the scheduled castes.

Tota Ram Kane, a Valmiki sports goods seller in Meerut, offered an interesting hypothesis for
the recent bonds that have been welded between Hindus and the scheduled castes. He said
that the Meenakshipuram conversions represent a hiatus between the conventionally fractitious
relations between the Hindus and the Harijans. According to him, the conversions brought to a
halt the anti-reservation movement In Gujarat since the Hindus realised that the results of such
a struggle might ultimately lead to conversions on a mass scale, with disastrous implications
for the future of Hindu nationalism.

What is important to note in Kane's deposition is his frames of reference and his attitude
towards the communal issue. In this case then, as in most communal perspectives, it is
not as important to cross-check whether the end of the reservation riots in Gujarat did
actually coincide with the conversions at Meenakshipuram. Rather, Kane's assertion hints
at the perception of a reality which can be easily misrepresented if it travels through the
prism of ingrained biases.

Later; Ram Asre, another Valmiki, added that the Muslim-Harijan schism emerged
after Moradabad where the Muslims suspected the Harijans of driving in the pigs towards
the Idgah. The antipathy displayed by the Muslims and the Harijan towards each other since
then has been successfully exploited by Hindu communal forces. In a larger political
perspective this falling out might signal the end of the Congress-I's vote banks since
the polarisation towards Hindu-Muslim divides the party without either of its established
bases.

To get back to the question of attitudes. Once again: in Meerut it was extremely
difficult for me to recognise the aggressive thrust of Muslim revivalism that I had been
told to look out for.  There seemed no obvious display of the untold wealth that is
supposed to be puring in from Islamic nations.  All that I encountered in the Muslim
areas were bullet marks, looted homes and a hunted look on the faces of men and
women as they recounted their desperation.

Of course, there are any number of people who will convince themselves that the
pathos I witnessed was contrived.  But was all of it lies ? Was I to believe the truth,
as revealed to me by V.S. Vinod, editor of an unabashedly communal rag called
"Dainik Prabat " ? This paper as well as  "Meerut Samachar " played particularly
inflammatory roles in stoking of Hindu passions by publishing stories which even the
Hindus find difficult to relate with any conviction.  Here's a sample : On the night of the
riot, a red light was lit at the Idgah.  That was the signal for the Muslims.  They attacked
29 areas at a time.  And yes, I must add on my own that these well-armed, fierce
Muslim mobs managed to kill only eight Hindus over a period of seven days.  So much
for the story.
 

In fact, it was in the Hindu areas of Meerut that I noticed garish portraits of Vir Mangal
Pandey, garlanded with fresh flowers" gun in hand. It was in the main street of Shahgasa
that I saw freshly-painted temples, with their characteristic red flags bravely waving with
a trident stuck close by. It was, in fact, in Shahgasa, near the place of dispute, that I met
Devander Goyal, Surendra and Sushil Rastogi, the trio that stood up for the Hindus
and shot into prominence following the riots. It was while I was sitting with them, in fact,
that I got a glimpse of what everyday communalism is all about.

The time: one p.m. or thereabouts. The place: Devander Goyal's Shiv Shakti Mandal in
Shahgasa, base for his tantrik operations. Devander retreats into his sanctum sanctorum
and suddenly around us the air begins resounding with the sound of temple bells and
conches. At the back of my mind I remember being told by the Muslims that this kind
of "puja" is purposely coincided with azaan, the mullas call to the faithful. But this is not
even a puja, I realise, as I note mechanical distortions in the sound. This is a tape being
played over an amplifier. And, it is time for the afternoon namaaz. I ask Surendra Rastogi
how far the Jama Masjid is from here. A Hundred and fifty paces, he answers. I rush down
the steps and am twenty paces gone when the volume of the amplifier is abruptly decreased.
I ask a few of the Muslims around the mosque if this happens often. The reply, yes, everyday,
every namaaz.
 

Inside Devander Goyal's so-called temple I noticed a huge hoarding proclaiming the presence
of a Shiva mandir, which was, I suspect, designed to be placed on the site of the disputed
property. This is after the collector signed an order that the property is to be sealed and that
it is neither a mandir nor a mazaar. But I figure the concerned Hindus know better.

The Hindu areas in Meerut, and Baroda too for that matter, have broken out into a rash of
mitra mandals, often named after militant and powerful Hindu gods like Hanuman and Shiva.
These  mandals organised things like shobha yatras where they carry their deities in splendour,
amidst aartis, blowing on conches and the ringing of bells. Mind you, these parades are taken
through areas which are extremely tense, since often the main commercial road of an area
belongs to the Hindu traders while the hinterlands are inhabited by the Muslims.

So what are we dealing with here? What do these patchy vignettes add up to so far as
Meerut is concerned, Muslim or Hindu revivalism? What is more disconcerting about latter is
the pattern that can be traced between Baroda and Meerut: the rise of akhadas the religious
fervour of young boys

who participate in Hindu festivals, the portraits of Shivaji and Vir Mangal Pandey, the
leadership of these activities by Hindu traders, the involvement of militant scheduled caste
communities. Is all this to be taken as a spontaneous resurgence of Hinduism or is this being
carefully engineered ?

Curiously, for all the talk about the organised resurgence of Islam in India there is little to
substantiate this claim, particularly in Meerut. The case of Baroda is, in this respect,
different, since enough bootlegging money finds its way into the hands of lumpen Muslim
elements. And yet, for all the talk of Gulf money pouring in, it seems strange that few of us
are willing to publicise the well-known six-month funds collection drive organised by the
Vishwa Hindu Parishad which netted at least Rs.200 crores. Meanwhile the establishment
of an Islamic Studies Centre in Baroda involving Rs.60 lakhs has been touted as apiece de
resistance in the evidence gathered to prove the ingress of Arab money and pan-Islamism
in India.

Similarly, much has been made of Imam Bukhari's visits to Meerut.  They were
assiduously reported by the press as yet another instance of Muslim conspiracy.
What has remained unreported is the day-to-day provocation of Muslims through the
raising of slogans such as "Aadharmiyon ka naash ho," "Shasan vidhan shastriya ho,"
and "Gau hashi band ho." Also a number of instance of pig's meat being thrown
into various mosques in Meeut have not been given much attention.  The murder of
in charge of the so-called temple sparked off the riots.  The strangulation of Imam
Mazhar Ali of the Sarafa Bazaar mosque went unnoticed.

No one can seriously dispute that both Hindus and Muslims are responsible for the
creation of communal tension.  The dominant belief, however, is that all communal
riots are engineered by the Muslims, they are the "culprits" they are the "Miscreants."
We are being forced into believing that the Hindus are merely the innocent, tolerant and
silent sufferers of the communal canker.