"Secularism Here Is Really A Slogan"
Mushirul
Hasan
Mushirul Hasan, author of Nationalism And Communal Politics, has been one of the most
significant contributors to the new understanding of communal politics that took place
mainly
among Muslim historians in the 19705. His book . highlighted the contradictory tensions
that operated among even conservative Muslim sections during the controversial Khilafat
period. It is within this framework that he analysed the role of the conservative Ulema
and its
relationship with the new urbanised educated Muslim leadership as well as with the Hindu
nationalists led by Gandhi.
In the interview reproduced below, Hasan comments on contemporary Muslim problems.
We reproduce his opinions, for though it may be difficult to reconcile them with his own
writing on the pre-Independence period, they are nevertheless important in that they do
represent the thinking of a large section of the Muslim intelligentsia.
On the crisis among Muslims following an increasingly militant right-wing
Hindu activity in the country:
"I think that one must make a historical assessment of the present trends. In the
pre-1947 period communalism had no definite identifiable pattern, in the manner in which
you can see one today. The new pattern is, firstly, centered around the emergence of a
Muslim bourgeoisie, such as is being churned out every year by the Aligarh University,
and secondly, around the powerful trading or artisan Muslim communities such as those
in Ferozabad or Moradabad. The riots are usually against the increasing threat being felt
from either these two sections, or as in the case of Poona, against both.
"One factor which is important but which is, perhaps, not demonstrable, is the
growing
confidence among Muslims in the past decade, a confidence linked to their economic
position which has improved quite considerably in certain areas. This is in sharp contrast
to the early days of our Independence. Where does this reflect itself ? On one level, in
educational activities. These may be the establishment of more and more Madarasas, or
a revival of educational interest in secular subjects which, I think, the contact with
Arab
countrIes has partIcularly encouraged.
"On another level, this is reflected In much greater political participatIon than
in the past,
and the impact of this has been felt too. The realisatlon that Muslims in India can also
vote,
that they can decide upon their own future, has been an important one. They are,
therefore, no longer voting en bloc for the Congress (I), they do affiliate themselves
with the
other political parties.
"The communal response to this is, therefore, from all those who feel threatened
from
Hindus who feel that Muslims are doing too well. The crisis is of this nature, emerging
from
those who do not permit Muslims their rightful share".
On whether he sees a likelihood of Muslim communal reaction as well:
"No, there has been no significant increase in Muslim communal reaction. The
resurgence of Muslim fundamentalism is just talk which is entirely unsubstantiated.
There is no Muslim leadership, and I feel there isn't going to be one Shabuddin is
really peripheral.
"The Muslim leaders who have emerged, and who are in National politics, do play
a significant role, but not in the communal sense at all. For instance, in Assansol
and
Burdwan, Bihari immigrant workers in coal mines vote for the CPI (M). It is only
in areas like Murshidabad, which is overwhelmingly Muslim, that they vote for the
Congress (I). Secular Muslim leadership has increased, whereas communal
leadership has been unable to make any headway at all. For example, the UP
Muslim League, which is far more communal than its counterpart in Kerala,
has made no headway at all.
"The Jamaat-i-Islami certainly exists and every new riot gives it a new lease of
life. But we should not overestimate its significance, because communal leadership
can never find sympathy with a majority of Muslims for the simple reason that they
are all too apprehensive of a massive upsurge of reaction. In the 1960s, at least
the psychological option was there among Muslims that you could go to Pakistan.
Today that doesn't exist."
Given the undeniable discrimination in the question of government jobs and other
opportunities, does he not feel the possibility of neo-separatist movements at all ?
"The question of secularism is a complex thing. The unequal development that has
taken
place among various sections in India often does not permit Western models to be applied
in the case of India. In any case, 'secularism' here is really a slogan, a constitutional
obligation. You can't impose secularism from above.
"Nevertheless I do believe that the demands of the national movement were secular.
It is for a variety of reasons that the unifying forces have not been successful in
overcoming
caste, regionalistic and chauvinistic barriers.
"No, there is nothing like a neo-separatism in India. Pakistani historians like
I.H.Qureshi
and Aziz Ahmed still cling on to the two-nation theory for obvious reasons,
because Pakistan has to justify itself. But I can tell you that no Indian historian
takes separatist positions."
On whether the events of the last two years, including the riots, and the Assam
situation, will result in new theoretical positions:
" Well, we have to respond to reality, why certain things do happen, or why they
don't,
are questions that may take years to answer. I feel that we may fall once more into the
same trap as we did when everything was ascribed to 'false consciousness.'
" For many years Muslim historians were reluctant to talk about the present.
Their
work was at best on the medieval period. Today the thrust of the Aligarh school is
basically a negation of a lot of positions that were taken in the past list positions.
Golwanlkar and Savarkar do provide a foundation for Hindu communalism even today,
one that is reinforces by social reformism and movements like those of Dayanand
Saraswati and Vivekananda. What was unfortunate was that there was no
alternative framework to this for many years, and it is this framework that is in
the process of being made today."