Date: Mon, 21 Sep 98 08:31:52 CDT
From: jagdish@igc.org
Subject: India/Globalization: Workers Campaign to Protect
Health & Livlihood
Organization: ?
Article: 43635
To: undisclosed-recipients:;
Message-ID: <bulk.21486.19980922121531@chumbly.math.missouri.edu>
Globalization: Workers Campaign to Protect Health
& Livlihood
By Jagdish Parikh (jagdish@igc.org), Asialink, no. 16, early sep
1998
Dear Friends,
This issue is the second in a three-part series on work and focuses
on some recent Indian worker's campaigns to protect their health and livlihoods,
particularly in the face of globalisation.
These struggles are generally against disintegration and the strategies
and tactics people bring to them are as expressive of their creativity
as they are of the grim and painful reality of globalisation.
We begin with a mainstream economist's take on that grim and painful
reality, excerpted from the Human Rights for Workers Bulletin, Vol. II,
No. 7. May 14, 1997. Professor Dani Rodrik teaches international political
economy at Harvard University in the USA. His book, Has Globalization Gone
Too Far? is published by the Institute for International Economics.
Globalisation's Ills: An Economist's Diagnosis
... As Rodrik points out, the characteristic approach of
many policy-makers, economists included, is to downplay the social tensions
sparked by globalization and to brand "all concerned groups as self-interested
protectionists."
Instead, Rodrik believes that "the most serious challenge for the
world economy in the years ahead lies ... in ensuring that international
economic integration does not contribute to domestic social DISintegration"
...
Globalization "fundamentally transforms the employment relationship."
The labour of ordinary workers in one country can now more easily be substituted
for the labour of workers in other countries. Owners of capital, highly
skilled workers, and many professionals-fortunate in being able to take
"their resources where they are most in demand" are not disturbed by this
transformation, but most people are. As a result:
-
Workers now have to pay a larger share of non-wage costs, such as workplace
safety measures and benefits.
-
Their earnings and hours worked are more volatile because of shocks
to labour demand or labour productivity.
-
Their bargaining power has eroded, resulting in lower wages and benefits
whenever bargaining is an element in setting the terms of employment.
Compensation Is Not Enough
Our second and third selections explore the "dangerous intersection
of the environment, health and the economy" through worker's struggles
for safe workplaces and recent court rulings on industrial pollution.
We turn first to the case of M.C. Metha vs. Union of India, excerpted
from "Polluting Industries, Environment and Workers' Health: A Case for
Intervention," by Mukul in the Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 32,
No. 35, August 30 - September 5, 1997,
... The case of M. C. Mehta vs. Union of India, popularly
known as "Ganga Matters" ... for the first time establishes a noble principle:
a polluting industry which damages the environment outside the factory,
simultaneously creates havoc for the health of the workers inside the factory.
Hence the industry has to pay the price of its pollution to the citizens,
in general, and to sick and suffering workers, in particular ...
The court judgement is important, but (how it) was achieved is as
important as the judgement itself (and) gives a concrete example of (how)
environmental initiatives, workers' organisations and support groups, people's
science activists and others can work together on the burning issue of
industrial pollution and can promote their cause mutually ...
It started in the distant tribal village of Chinchurgeria, Jhargram,
in the Midanapore District of West Bengal state. A stone crushing unit,
Surendra Khanij, started here in September 1987. The unit was manufacturing
quartz powder from quartzite stone and supplying it to different glass
manufacturing units ...
(Within three to four years, twenty workers died and twelve remain
chronically ill.) ... Most of the workers were suffering from silicosis,
one of the most deadly occupational lung disease in India ...
Had it not been for the existence of the Quark Science Centre at
Jhargram, it would never have been possible to know the fate of the workers
of the Surendra Khanij.
(According to) Bijan Sharangi, a 33-year-old school teacher and secretary
of the Quark Science Centre, "In early 1993, we came to know of a series
of workers' death and diseases in Chinchurgeria, through two foresters
of the forest department ... We tested at least 100 villagers and then
found that several of them were suffering from silicosis ... We organised
a massive signature campaign among the villagers and people of Jhargram,
demanding closure and compensation. We also organised many street corner
meetings. When these programmes did not bear any fruit, hundreds of villagers
from Chinchugeria and nearby villages assembled in Jhargram in April 1993
and sat on indefinite dharna (sit-in) outside the SDO office. Thereafter
the SDO ordered the closure of the factory, which has been closed till
date" ...
(Later) Nagrik Manch, (citizens' platform or forum) a labour support
group in Calcutta, along with six central trade unions, intervened in the
Supreme Court and filed a public interest (law suit) ...
The story does not stop here, the compensation only a beginning ...
... It is indeed rare to find a hospital in the country established
by workers and their unions. Shrmajivi Hospital, only 3.5 kms away from
Howrah Station and at walking distance from famous Belur Math, is an inspiring
endeavour of workers of a closed and sick industry. They started it out
of their own necessity and also to expand the union's activities in a hitherto
neglected field. But slowly it has become an essential activity of the
whole community in that area, and local teachers, artists, doctors, social
workers and students have all become involved in it in one way or another.
Surrounded by factories, mostly closed small shops and houses, Shrmajivi
Hospital stands out on main road, going towards Howrah. The hospital is
like a home - a small old house of five and six medium-size rooms, a staircase
going through the verandah and a first floor with tin-shaded working space.
The rooms are exceptionally neat and clean ... (but everything bears) a
simple, raw, robust look ...
"Of course the charges are just here, but we do not come here only
for that reason. In this area alone, there are two government hospitals
and dozens of private nursing homes. They also provide treatment to patients.
Even if one could afford them, one comes here. We feel at home. Here we
feel as if we will live longer," says local resident Pratap Sinha, who
has undergone a long treatment in the hospital ...
... They decided in April 1997, to set up a bi-weekly occupational
disease detection centre at the hospital, which will be one of the rare
ones in West Bengal. To deal with the problem of industrial accidents,
they would also like to develop ... micro-vascular surgery in future. "But
this all will develop only if the participation of workers, their unions
and other people will develop. Seeing the present situation one is very
hopeful.
Who Pays the Costs of Pollution?
The Shramjivi Hospital and its worker-led community management is doing
away with the dichotomy between "worker" and "patient."
Similarly, the Delhi Janvadi Adhikar Manch (the Delhi Democratic
Rights Forum) works to extend workers' control. BOL - the reproductive
rights network on the Web - has this to say about their work:
An Indian Supreme Court order on July 8, 1996, directed
the closure or relocation of 168 polluting factories in Delhi.
In response to this and other measures to "clean up" the Indian capital,
a group of labour and human rights organizations have founded the Janvadi
Adhikar Manch. As part of its mission, the Manch has chronicled the impact
of these rulings.
The Manch reports that some 50,000 workers lost their jobs due to
the July 8, 1996 order. The group further details continued violations
of compensation provisions of the Supreme Court order. To date no compensation
has been given to workers who have lost their jobs due to the ruling.
The Manch warns against reducing the issue of pollution to "beautifying
Delhi for the rich." The polluting factories may simply relocate to other
areas of lesser real estate value or with lower wage differentials, without
reducing pollution emissions. While no real gains may result in overall
environmental improvement, many dependent factory workers may unjustly
suffer.
The Manch's March 1998 report interviews 53 women ... The women talk
at length about poor living conditions, overcrowding in slum dwellings,
and lack of access to water, electricity and other resources. They note
a need for gainful employment after the closure of factories. In the Delhi
case, workers were being unfairly penalized for failure on the part of
owners of capital to meet environmental operating standards.
The controversy surrounding the Supreme Court ruling points to a
need to consider the dangerous intersection of environment, health, and
economy. The Manch warns against environmental movements that have too
easily become the mouthpiece of elite interests and (says) that the health
and well-being of working women must be factored into initiatives to "clean
up" the Indian capital. The controversy generated by the struggle to relocate
factories in Delhi highlights the need to scrutinize the interests and
politics behind legislation to improve the environment and opens up a new
forum for debate over the health and well- being of working women.
*** Our final selection comes from "History in the Making - Women Design
and Manage an Alternative Public Distribution System," by P. V. Satheesh
in the Forest, Trees and People Newsletter, No. 34.
Rice Was a Wonder Grain
Like elsewhere in India, a public distribution system (PDS)
operates in the villages around Zaheerabad in the Medak District of Andhra
Pradesh ... (But) the women of Zaheerabad never grew rice ... It was always
sorghum, pearl, finger and other millets mixed with a host of pulses that
made up the crops on their lands and meals in their pots. Suddenly rice
has invaded their kitchen via the PDS.
Rice is a seductive cereal. It ... needs no processing. Comes ready
to cook. Mix with water and put it on the stove. ... Women loved it ...
Rice was a wonder grain ...
It took few years for the women of Zaheerabad to see and understand
the other side of the rice.
The first effect was on their nutrition. Rice is (mainly) carbohydrate....
An increasing number of women and children started becoming anaemic.
The second toll ... was on their lands. With more and more PDS rice
coming from the resource-rich belt-like coastal Andhra Pradesh and Tamil
Nadu, what was the need to grow any food crops on their dry lands at all?
... Dryland farmers' lands were gradually put to fallow.
The women were hardest hit ... Their (traditional) agriculture took
care of a variety of their needs. It gave them a nutritive crop mix that
included pulses, cereals and green leafy vegetables. It provided fodder
for cattle, fencing material for their fields and houses, and straw for
their thatch ...
... In the district of Medak (in Andhra Pradesh) alone, more than
100,000 acres of land have been put to fallow in the last ten years almost
as a direct result of PDS ...
(The women's self-confidence) is linked to their role as skilled
food-producers and to (being the seed-keepers) of the community. As food
production becomes less important, the status that accompanies (it) is
lost. Being reduced to food consumers, dependent on purchased food for
their survival, undermined one of their few sources of self-esteem and
self-respect ...
The women of Deccan Development Society (DDS), who had organised
themselves into sanghams, voluntary associations of the poor Dalit women,
deliberated on this issue in their meetings.
One answer was to reclaim their fallows. They would breathe new life
into their half-dead lands. They would plough it and manure it. As the
land came alive, they would raise a crop of sorghum on it ...
But this needed investment. To the tune of 2600 Rs. an acre. No financial
institution offers such loans.
The women decided to fight for reversal of this policy (and through
the) DDS (approached) the Ministry of Rural Development, which saw the
merit in their case and approved funding for ... a Community Grain Fund
(CGF).
(For) the past three years, (women) in thirty villages around Zaheerabad
... have been managing this path breaking programme.
In each village they identified 100 acres of fallows, most of which
belong to marginal farmers.
Meetings were held in each of these villages with the project partners,
DDS and village poor ... Money was advanced over a three-year period to
the farmers for ... ploughing, manuring, sowing and weeding. This money
was later repaid in the form of grain grown on the newly developed lands.
Rates were fixed for the entire three-year period.
Committees of women were formed to look after ... the project in
each village. They, in turn, selected about twenty acres each and supervised
the work on these personally ...
Unfortunately, just when the crops were ready for harvest, a heavy
cyclone hit the region in October. It rained continuously for around 18
days ... (Yet,) a few months after the harvest, the first year's repayment
of sorghum for the grain bank was completed ... (The women) knew that if
they failed (the community grain bank) would never have a second chance.
The grain collected was stored by the village committees ... in decentralised
fashion, using indigenous storage techniques ... The next step for the
women of the village sanghams was to identify around 100 poor households
in each village for grain distribution. The sorghum from these banks was
to be sold at subsidised price to these families.
... For the first time in the history of this region, Dalit women,
poor and from the lowest social rank in the village, decided who among
the villagers were poorest and qualified for the community grain support.
The proceeds from the sale of the grain are deposited in a bank as
the community grain fund. The money is utilised year after year to reclaim
more fallows in their village thus contributing to increased productivity
...
Through this CGF Programme the women have brought over 2,500 acres
of fallows under plough ... This has meant that they were able to produce
three million extra meals in 30 villages or 1,000 extra meals per family.
The fodder provided by the newly cultivated fields sustained over 6,000
head of cattle in 30 villages. Finally and more important, in each village
2,500 extra (daily) wages were created - 500 for ploughing, sowing and
manuring, and 2,000 for weeding. In all 75,000 extra (daily) wages earned
in 30 villages.
If the experiment continues to be successful, the women of Deccan
Development Society will have established the first decentralised public
distribution system in the country, one with local production, local storage,
and local distribution - all adapted to the specific needs and opportunities
at the village level ...
Asialink - Electronic Newsletter
Information Exchange for Social Change
Issue No. 16 (Early September 1998)
(Document Size: 16.5 KB, 2411 words, 365 lines)
We welcome your comments. Send your questions or comments to
Jagdish Parikh (jagdish@igc.org)
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