‘There is no politics of farmers in India’ A mistake made by farmers movements is that they wanted
to be
non-political. If they don’t contest elections, who will take up their
issues?
Vijay
Jawandhia has been a farmer activist for 36 years. He heads the
most known among farmers’ organisation, the Shetkari Sanghatana of
Maharashtra. He believes that the agrarian crisis that has seen
thousands of farmers committing suicide and is impoverishing farmers’
households across the nation is the direct result of liberalisation and
due to removal of subsidies for farmers under the WTO rules.
He
points out the commonality between colonial rulers of India and
our own elected ruling class: while the English colonials believed in
capital accumulation by industrialists and corporates through
exploitation of the raw material resources of India, the political
class in an independent India followed the same policy. With the same
results: while urban India is booming, rural India is teetering on the
edge of disaster.
Jawandhia,
born and brought up in Nagpur, discontinued MSc
(Chemistry) to return to farming. His land barely helps his family to
survive but has given him a cause to fight for farmers’ rights. He
continues to farm despite very poor returns. He also continues to voice
the farmers’ issues despite poor response from those who matter
especially in India. As he explains, agriculture is the real multiplier
of wealth since one seed yields hundreds of seeds.
Mr
Jawandhia (60) is a highly articulate farmer who through the
force of simple logic explains agricultural economics. Excerpts from an
interview with R Akhileshwari of Deccan Herald.
What
are the reasons for the present agricultural crises?
In our
country, we have politics of all kinds, of caste, of region
and religion but there are no politics of farmers although we are an
agrarian country. By this I mean no political party has addressed
farmers’ economy, of their future. And this is the greatest tragedy of
our country since Independence.
Do you
believe that there has been internal colonisation of the rural areas?
Yes,
the colonial policy of exploitation of raw material for
capital accumulation continued even in free India. The prices of
foodgrains and other agricultural commodities were deliberately kept
low. The prices kept going down and down but all other prices
increased. The cumulative effect is obvious — the disparity between
cities and villages, instead of reducing, is increasing daily. This is
further aggravated by globalisation.
Is that
the main reason for farmers’ suicides?
Please
remember farmers’ suicides began only in 1994 when the GATT
was dissolved and replaced by the WTO. Before liberalisation when crops
failed prices rose in the market but this cushion of market price was
removed by cheap imports. Farmers’ suicides are not just in Vidarbha or
only by cotton farmers. Farmers in plantations in Kerala are also
committing suicides. So also in Punjab, where every inch of land is
irrigated. It is impossible to make a living by agriculture in our
country now. The costs of production have increased and the costs of
living too. Therefore, indebtedness is also increasing.
Are
political parties to be blamed for the mess?
Political
parties are getting elected to power with the help of
caste, money and muscle. So why will they address the real issues?
Another anomaly is that while agriculture is a state subject all
decisions are taken by the Centre on prices, imports, exports and so
on. This has worked to the disadvantage of farmers. Besides there is an
urban bias in leadership.
Including
the Left parties?
The
Left is caught in a time warp. They still believe land-owners
are bourgeoisie and that the answer to rural poverty is land
distribution. But today even a 5-acre farmer is committing suicide.
Land was an attraction 50 years ago but no longer. The Left is unable
to address or see the real issues because all leaders, including of the
Left, are urbanised.
What
about farmers’ movements? Have they failed too?
A
mistake made by farmers movements is that they wanted to be
non-political. But if farmers don’t stand in elections, who will take
up their issues? Besides, there is a need to bring together people with
similar vision, including media and social organisations, to arrest
this crisis and arrive at solutions.
By
Darryl D'Monte A Swiss
cow gets a subsidy that will allow her to fly first-class
around the world! And Queen Elizabeth gets farm subsidies of over $ I
million annually. Subsidies don't always work as they are meant to in
India either Two
humorous anecdotes about farm subsidies sum up their absurdity as
well as their paradoxical nature. Vijay Jawandhia of the Shetkari
Sanghatna in Wardha, who was in Mumbai recently to speak at a
journalists' workshop on the role of subsidies in the agrarian crisis,
recounts how he was once asked what he would like to be reborn as, in
his next life. Without batting an eyelid, he replied: "A European
cow!"Seeing the bewilderment on the face of the questioner, he
amplified: "A
European cow gets $ 2 a day by way of subsidy: that is more than half
the world's population gets."
Ron
Steenblik, an economist who heads research in an NGO called the
Global Subsidies Initiative (GSI), headquartered in Geneva, made
a very similar point. According to Oxfam, the annual subsidies given to
a cow in Switzerland (obviously more than the average in the European
Union) are the equivalent of a first-class airfare around the world.
Devinder
Sharma, food policy analyst from Delhi, cited data from a
European NGO, farmsubsidies.org, to demonstrate how Queen Elizabeth, as
a huge landowner, is among the highest recipients of farm subsidies. In
2003-04, she received nearly $ 1.31 million. Prince Charles, who
ironically enough is an ardent exponent of organic agriculture and is
vehemently opposed to genetically modified crops, received more than $
480,000 for his personal estate in Cornwall. Similarly, Prince Joakim
of Denmark received $ 220,000, and Prince Albert of Monaco $ 300,000.
Eminent
agricultural scientist, Professor M S Swaminathan, who heads
the National Commission on Farmers, opened the workshop by detailing
several dimensions of the crisis. He quoted the Approach Paper to the
Eleventh Five-Year Plan in December last year: "Economic growth has
failed to be sufficiently inclusive, particularly after the mid-1990s.
Agriculture lost its growth momentum from that point on and
subsequently entered a near-crisis situation, reflected in farmer
suicides in some areas."
He
pointed out how growth in agriculture is dropping below population
growth. Between 1971-72 and 2003, the percentage of marginal
landholders, with less than 1 hectare, has risen from 63% of rural
households to 80%. India's Green Revolution, in which Swaminathan
played a pioneering role, is stagnating, which is why he has been
calling, in recent years, for an "Ever-Green Revolution". implying more
ecologically sustainable farming.
The
Green Revolution has been characterised by capital- and
resource-intensive inputs, which have robbed the soil of its natural
regenerative powers. While yields of most crops have been declining,
Swaminathan cited how milk production, which was based on galvanising
small dairy farmers through cooperatives, had catapulted the country
into becoming the largest producer of milk in the world.
He
called for comprehensive credit and insurance for farmers -- debt is
one of the major reasons why cotton farmers in Vidarbha and elsewhere
have been committing suicide. NABARD has to review its mandate, role
and business model with its focus on farmers. Professor Swaminathan
specified that the rate of interest for farmers should be 4%, and there
ought to be a four- to five-year credit cycle in drought-prone areas.
Farmers had to be made credit- and insurance-literate; barely 4% of
farmers participate in insurance schemes. Farmers could be insured as a
group, rather than individually, with a low transaction cost and the
village treated as a unit. There could be a Rural Insurance Development
Fund.
According
to Steenblik, GSI's mandate is to uncover new subsidies and
expose bad design and unintended consequences of subsidies. One of the
classic examples is India's fertiliser subsidy, which accrues to
manufacturers who are then supposed to pass it on to farmers. According
to Dr Ashok Gulati, the Delhi-based Asian Director of the International
Food Policy Research Institute, the returns were only 53 paise for
every rupee spent on subsidising fertilisers through the 1990s. He
claimed, somewhat controversially, that returns in the farm-related
sector were highest on roads -- Rs 3.17 for every rupee spent, in the
same decade. This was presumably because produce could be more speedily
dispatched to markets and did not perish. (The next highest return,
according to his research, was on farmers’ education.)
Dr Amar
Nath, Senior Economist with the National Institute of Public
Finance and Policy, described how the government's intention was to
make fertiliser affordable to farmers, and widely distributed. In
reality, this was not the case. "Fertiliser subsidies are indirect and
the benefits accrue more to the manufacturers and large farmers than
small and marginal farmers," he pointed out. The share of fertiliser
cost in the total cost of inputs in agriculture is so high that only
large farmers benefit from this subsidy."What's more, the application
of fertiliser is more or less uniform throughout the country,
irrespective of weather, soil and topography.
After
fertiliser, the biggest subsidy in this country is for
irrigation. Vidarbha, it is well known, suffers because it is in the
rain shadow area of the state and lacks irrigation, which is partly why
there is so much distress in the region. Some 70% of irrigation in the
country is from canals, which is wasteful and poorly targeted, as
distinct from tank irrigation. In Karnataka, 40 lakh hectares are
irrigated by canals, and only 7 lakh hectares through tanks, although
this was one of the states of peninsular India that was very well
served by tanks and reservoirs in the past. Tanks are maintained by
local village communities, so there is better management through
de-silting, etc.
Canals,
by contrast, require huge capital expenditure, have a long
gestation, and require major maintenance, which is why, throughout the
country, the cost-benefit ratios of major dams are going awry because
reservoirs fill up with silt and their lives become shorter. According
to Dr Amar Nath, although the original project reports envisage what
cropping patterns there will be in the command area, in the final
analysis there is a free-for-all where big farmers corner the gains of
the scheme. This was the fear voiced about the Narmada dam which, it
was alleged, would benefit cash-crop rich farmers in certain districts
like Mehsana and Bharuch in Gujarat and not reach the parched districts
further away. Recent reports allege that the power generated by the dam
benefits industries in the state rather than those without electricity.
(Only last month, an NGO in Gujarat called Pravah brought out a report
that monitors delivery in “the world's largest drinking water
pipeline
project,� an offshoot of the Narmada dam.)
Profligate
flooding of fields through subsidised irrigation --
accounting for something like 80% of the country's total water use --
can change the face of the countryside for the worse. Farmers along the
Rajasthan canal are growing wheat in the desert. In Punjab and Haryana,
excessive irrigation has resulted in waterlogging. This has been amply
documented by Shripad Dharmadhikari in his study on the illusory
benefits of the Bhakra dam and Nangal canal in that region, which is
potentially one of the most productive wheat-growing areas in the
world. Even so, as Professor Swaminathan observes, India is able to
produce only 2.71 tonnes of wheat per hectare, as against a whopping
7.58 tonnes in France and 4.25 tonnes in China.
In the
developed world, there are countless examples of bad subsidies
that artificially depress the prices of agricultural commodities to
make them competitive. In a case studied at length at the Mumbai
workshop, several speakers referred to how the US provides a subsidy of
$ 4.7 billion for the cotton produced by its 20,000 farmers (and
another $ 180 million to its textile industry). This means that under
World Trade Organisation (WTO) rules prying open free trade in farm
produce, Indian cotton farmers can no longer compete in the world
market.
Devinder
Sharma pointed to the contrast between the two countries:
India has 320 million farmers, with an average holding of 4 hectares.
The US has a minuscule number, with an average holding of 50 hectares.
In the EU, a farmer quits his occupation every minute. As the
controversy over SEZs depicts graphically in this country, farmers are
by no means reconciled to switching to any other occupation.
The US
can produce 7 tonnes of rice per hectare, as against 3 tonnes in
India, on average. However, while the output of American rice is worth
$ 1.2 billion, there is a $ 1.4 billion subsidy! In any case, as Sharma
proved, productivity is not the only criterion for profitable exports.
Thailand has now emerged as the biggest exporter of rice, but it
produces only 2.8 tonnes per hectare. While economists like Dr Gulati
advocated importing foodgrain if it was cheaper than the domestic
price, Jawandhia and Sharma warned that importing food was equivalent
to importing unemployment in this country. If there is one warning that
both the virtual epidemic of farmer suicides and the agitation against
SEZs underline, there will be widespread social unrest if the
agricultural sector continues to decline and perish, with consequences
for the ruling coalition that will be nothing short of disastrous.
According
to Steenblik, subsidies given by the EU to dairy producers
have resulted in major abnormalities: in Latin America, in the 1990s,
when the EU donated its surplus milk powder, it was so plentiful that
people used it to outline football pitches! Subsidies given to
Denmark's wind energy producers (like Micon, which NEPC in India
collaborated with for some years) enabled that tiny country to corner
three-quarters of the world trade.
An
emerging cause for concern is the subsidy given by the US to
biofuels -- mainly corn -- to produce ethanol, supposedly a "green"
fuel for cars. Not only does this divert corn from human consumption to
fuel SUVs and the like, it also distorts cropping patterns in the US.
Steenblik observed that a SUV, if run on ethanol, receives a subsidy of
$ 520 per year, which is about the per capita income of a poor country
like Burkina Faso. This policy also does not take into account the
ecological impact: every kilolitre of ethanol produced depletes 10 kg
of topsoil.
Sharma
made a strong case for getting exporting countries to abolish
subsidies or stop trading with them. When the WTO dispensation on free
movement of agricultural produce was introduced, the World Bank
estimated that the gains to the world would be $ 90 billion, of which $
16 billion would accrue to developing countries. According to a study
conducted by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in the US,
however, the actual gains have been only $ 37 billion, out of which 110
developing countries benefited by only $ 6.76 billion. This is
equivalent, asserted Sharma, to only half this country's rural
development annual budget.
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